New role consolidates operational, administrative, strategic authority in single office. CDF-cum-COAS’ five-year term to run until 2030, with possibility of extension up to 2025
Islamabad, December 5 (Dawn) — Field Marshal Asim Munir was named Pakistan’s first Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) on December 4, in the most sweeping restructuring of the military command since the 1970s.
The announcement came after the President approved the appointment, on the advice of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif.
“President Asif Ali Zardari approved the appointment of Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir as COAS concurrently as CDF for five years,” the Presidency said in a statement, formally ending days of speculation over the delay in notification.
Earlier in the evening, PM Shehbaz had advised the President to appoint Field Marshal Munir to the newly created, dual-hatted office.
The new arrangement consolidates operational, administrative and strategic authority in a single office established through amendments to Article 243 of the Constitution under the 27th Amendment.
The revised Article 243 provides that the President, acting on the prime minister’s advice, shall appoint the chief of the army staff, who will concurrently serve as the Chief of Defence Forces.
The amendment also abolished the office of Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (CJCSC), dismantling the tri-service coordination system in place since 1976 and transferring joint command integration to the CDF.
Five-year Tenure Reset
To translate the constitutional overhaul into the military’s legal framework, the government amended the Pakistan Army Act (PAA) of 1952 in the wake of the 27th Amendment.
Sub-section (i) of PAA’s Article 8A now states that “for the first appointment of the chief of the army staff concurrently the chief of the defence forces […], the tenure under this section shall commence from the date of notification of the said office”.
It explains that upon the issuance of the notification for the first COAS-plus-CDF, the “existing tenure of the incumbent chief of the army staff shall be deemed to have recommenced from the date of such notification”.
Under sub-section (iii) of Article 8A, the “terms and conditions” of the COAS concurrently with the CDF shall be determined by the President on the Prime Minister’s advice.
Field Marshal Munir was appointed army chief on Nov 29, 2022, becoming the 17th army chief to assume the command of the Pakistan Army.
In November 2024, the government brought changes to the PAA, extending the tenure for all three services chiefs from three to five years, keeping the CJCSC’s tenure unchanged at three years.
The same amendments allowed the services chiefs to be reappointed and/or their tenures to be extended for up to five years, instead of up to three years.
Therefore, in line with the restructuring under the 27th Amendment, the recent PAA changes allow the President, on the Prime Minister’s advice, to reappoint the COAS-plus-CDF for another five years, or extend his tenure by up to five years, creating legal space for him to retain his position till December 2035.
Delay in Notification
The prolonged delay in issuing the notification had triggered intense speculation, especially after the post of CJCSC was abolished on Nov 27 when Gen. Sahir Shamshad Mirza retired.
The absence of a notification on November 29, the date when Field Marshal Munir’s original three-year term as army chief (prior to last year’s amendment) ended, fuelled further uncertainty about whether the government was holding back the appointment to negotiate upcoming four-star postings.
Political circles suggested the delay may have been used to bargain over the selection of the new Commander National Strategic Command (CNSC), the Vice Chief of the Army Staff (VCOAS) and potentially a future ISI chief.
The army had already clarified that no VCOAS was being appointed. Under the amended law, the appointments of the CNSC and any VCOAS are tied to the CDF’s recommendations.
Government officials repeatedly denied any tensions with the military, maintaining that procedural requirements and the prime minister’s travel itinerary dictated the timeline.
None the less, the silence was widely viewed as unusual, especially after the speed with which the 27th Amendment was rushed through parliament.
The amendment also empowers the federal government to define the CDF’s functions, including multi-domain integration, restructuring and enhancing jointness across services.
New Organogram
Meanwhile, Law Minister Azam Nazeer Tarar said the defence ministry is finalising a new organogram for the CDF and had shared a draft with the Prime Minister’s Office a day earlier.
He dispelled the impression of differences over a CDF notification, stressing that it was delayed since the premier was out of the country.
Officials say the organogram will lay out the command flows between the CDF, the service chiefs and the newly established strategic command.
The extension will take effect upon completion of his current five-year term in March next year, keeping him in office until March 2028.
“A King above all”/The Guardian
Since it was penned in 1973, Pakistan’s constitution has been dealt many blows. Originally a statement of democracy, it was just a matter of years before a pattern of endless constitutional amendments began, validating successive coups and military dictatorships.
Yet for the past 15 years, the constitution had – at least on the surface – returned Pakistan to some semblance of civilian rule. That was until last month.
As parliament rushed to pass the 27th amendment, critics and analysts widely decried it as a “constitutional coup” that would enshrine military dominance over Pakistan in perpetuity.
“There is no constitution in Pakistan now. No judiciary. No social contract. The amendment is an unforgivable crime against the country” said Mahmood Khan Achakzai, the chair of the opposition alliance known as Tehreek Tahafuz Ayeen-e-Pakistan. “They have made one man into a king above all.”
It was widely acknowledged that there was really just one beneficiary to the 27th amendment. General Asim Munir, Pakistan’s army chief, was already the most powerful man in the country. Now, however, he is set to become one of the most powerful generals in the country’s history, with privileges akin to those of past military dictators.
Munir will oversee not just the army but also the navy and air force. His five-year term will restart, and has the possibility to be extended again, raising the prospect of him remaining in his role for at least another decade – an unprecedented term. He has also been granted lifelong immunity from criminal prosecution.
The amendment has also been accused of being a direct attack on Pakistan’s already-beleaguered judiciary. A new constitutional court, where judges are picked by the government, will replace the supreme court. Several senior judges have resigned in protest, claiming that the only remaining check on executive and military power has been crushed.
“It’s military rule, martial law by any other name,” said Ayyaz Mallick, a lecturer in human geography, specialising in Pakistan, at the University of Liverpool. “During direct forms of military rule in Pakistan we saw exactly the same thing happen.”
The amendment also prompted criticism from UN high commissioner for human rights Volker Turk, who warned of “far-reaching consequences for the principles of democracy and rule of law”.
To many observers, this was Munir seizing his moment. After an election in 2024 that was marred by documented allegations of rigging and bias, Pakistan’s ruling coalition government is widely seen as weak, unpopular and illegitimate, solely dependent on the backing of Munir – what Mallick described as a “military ventilator” – to stay in power.
Meanwhile, Munir has been riding a wave of popularity after hostilities with neighbour and rival India broke out in May, which saw cross-border drone and missile strikes launched by both sides. After Pakistan claimed to have shot down several Indian jets, Munir claimed victory over India, prompting a wave of militaristic and jingoistic fervour to grip the country. The India clashes were nothing short of a “godsend” for Munir, said Mallick, with the army chief promoted to post of five-star general.
Munir began to position himself as something of a global statesman. After Pakistan nominated Donald Trump for the Nobel peace prize for his supposed role in bringing India and Pakistan back from the brink of war, Munir had an unprecedented two meetings with the US president in Washington.
For Pakistan, which has been shut out by the White House for a decade, Munir’s perceived success in bringing the country in from the cold – even earning the title of Trump’s “favourite field marshal” – elevated his position further. Munir was also at the forefront as Pakistan signed a significant defence pact with Saudi Arabia in September.
To many, the level of power that now rests in Munir’s hands was revealed by the speed at which the 27th constitutional amendment was approved. While previous amendments were discussed, revised and debated on for weeks by parliament, it took just a couple of hours for it to sail through both the senate and then the lower house with the necessary two-thirds majority, with only minor tweaks.
“What we have now is a political government whose legitimacy is so fragile that without the military’s backing, it would basically be nowhere,” said Farzana Shaikh, associate Fellow of the Asia-Pacific programme at Chatham House. “And Munir has seized this opportunity.”
While Shaikh emphasised that Pakistan’s history was one of political parties enabling the military for their own short-term political gain, she added, “it’s still extraordinary seeing two parties cave in the manner they have.”
The consequences, she added, were grave. “There’s no question that it is a significant – I would say the most significant – setback to any kind of transition towards an accountable government, let alone democracy,” said Shaikh. “This constitutional amendment allows Munir to act with complete impunity. It’s an extremely dangerous situation.”
Concerns have also been raised within the army at Munir’s newfound concentration of power over all three branches of the military, in particular its consequences for his authority over Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal.
Some raised concerns that Munir – whose reputation is one of a “reckless operator” and an ideologue, especially when it comes to his hardline approach to India – would now have unparalleled control over nuclear command.
One retired senior general, who spoke anonymously for fear of retribution, called the amendment “disastrous” and said resentment “has already begun among other forces, in the navy and air force. The proposed amendment does not benefit the defence structure; rather it benefits just one individual”.
Streamlining the nuclear command under singular army control – effectively removing all civilian government oversight – was also “deeply problematic”, he added.
Defence minister Khawaja Asif, among those who voted in favour of the amendment, refuted the criticism. “Pakistan’s armed forces are part of the state and if they do good work, we support them and stand by them,” he said. “Parliament bestowed immunity upon Field Marshall Munir because he won the war against India for the country. Saying he is all-powerful is just speculation.”
To some, the amendment simply codified a longstanding arrangement, that of the military de facto running the country and manoeuvring politics. Since he became army chief, it was Munir who was seen to have engineered the crackdown against popular former prime minister Imran Khan and his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party. Khan and senior PTI leaders are all now behind bars, after they challenged military interference in Pakistani politics. Two serving cabinet ministers, finance and interior, are both recognised as Munir appointments.
Yet, as Walter Ladwig, senior associate professor in International Relations at King’s College London, emphasised, “the long-term implications of this are profound”.
“If there were ever an effort to try to reverse or rebalance power away from the military and back under civilian control, undoing this amendment will be significant feat,” he said. “Munir is now harder to remove than the prime minister or the president or any army chief who came before him.”
Nonetheless, analysts pointed out that Munir’s newfound power also came with challenges. Pakistan is grappling with two domestic terrorist insurgencies as well as hostilities with neighbours India and Afghanistan, and the country is also in the midst of a severe economic crisis that he has been unable to fix.
Munir was not the first Pakistan general to come up with a plan to retain power for years, Mallick noted; the country’s last military dictator Pervez Musharraf had one that spanned decades, before widespread dissatisfaction toppled him.
“As history also shows, these long-term plans by generals never really work in Pakistan,” he said. “If money doesn’t flow in, the whole thing falls apart.”
END
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/03/asim-munir-pakistan-army-chief
